Almost half of executions took place in last quarter, with 12 prisoners hanged on New Year’s Day

Fox News    |     By Beth Bailey     |     January 3, 2025

The Islamic Republic of Iran executed over 1,000 prisoners in 86 prisons across the country in 2024, according to a report by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). The report says the death toll is “an unprecedented figure in the past three decades,” and represents an increase of 16% from the 864 executions conducted in 2023.

Most of the regime’s executions took place in the latter half of the year. Almost 70% occurred after the July election of President Masoud Pezeshkian. About 47% took place in the fourth quarter of 2024, when the regime “faced severe defeats in the region and mounting economic and social crises,” the NCRI said.

Maryam Rajavi, the president-elect of the NCRI, said that the series of executions represent a “desperate attempt to prevent the uprising of an angry populace who will settle for nothing less than the regime’s complete overthrow. These medieval crimes, however, double the resolve of Iran’s youth to topple the religious dictatorship.”

According to Rajavi, “any negotiations or dealings with [the regime] must be conditioned on ending executions and torture. Its leaders must be brought to justice for 45 years of crimes against humanity and genocide.”

Fox News Digital reached out to the Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations for comment about the regime’s record level of executions. The Mission declined to comment.

Behnam Ben Taleblu, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that “the more the regime looks weak abroad, the more it is trying to double down to prevent a contagion effect on the home front. It is doing this by increasing the number of executions, including of political prisoners, non-violent offenders, and even hostages.” Taleblu said that October saw “a record number of killings by the clerical regime.”

The prisoners executed this year in Iran included 34 women and seven prisoners whose crimes were committed when they were juveniles. They also included 70 Afghan nationals, Amu TV reported. This represented an increase of about 300% over the prior year.

The NCRI reports that 119 of the executed prisoners were from the Baluchi minority. An August 2024 report from the United Nations-mandated Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran said that the Baluchis make up 2% of the Iranian population. The fact-finding mission also found that ethnic and religious minorities have been “disproportionately impacted by the Government’s response to the protests that began in September 2022,” after Mahsa Amini, a Kurdish woman arrested for not wearing a headscarf, died in Iranian custody.

Also among those executed by the Iranian regime in 2024 was 69-year-old journalist Jamshid Sharmahd, a German citizen and 20-year resident of the United States who was kidnapped in Dubai in 2020. Sharmahd was executed in October after being charged with “corruption on earth” in what was called a “grossly unfair” trial.

In an open letter shared by the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran, 25-year-old political prisoner Saeed Masouri wrote that “we witness an execution every four hours on average.” During Christmas, Masouri said that “nearly 25 innocent people were executed, equating to almost one execution every 2.5 hours.”

“I no longer know how much more I must see and endure,” Masouri writes, explaining that from the moment of his sentencing, he “consider[ed] every meeting to be [his] last and every ‘opening and closing’ sound of the door as a death knell.”

The NCRI reported that on the first day of 2025, 12 prisoners were executed by hanging at four Iranian prisons.

https://www.foxnews.com/world/iran-executes-over-1000-prisoners-2024-highest-total-30-years-report-says?intcmp=tw_fnc

 

Telegraph     |     Maryam Rajavi     |     December 30, 2024

With the fall of Syria’s dictator, one of Tehran’s most crucial allies, the overthrow of Iran’s theocratic regime has become more plausible than ever. In response, regime Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is likely to pursue the most perilous course imaginable: equipping the world’s foremost sponsor of terrorism with nuclear weapons.

Recent revelations from the Iranian Resistance indicate that Tehran has accelerated its pursuit of an atomic bomb. This reckless gambit is aimed at deflecting mounting domestic crises while compensating for its strategic failures across the region.

For over four decades, Iran’s ruling mullahs have maintained their grip on one of the world’s oldest and most storied civilisations through a dual strategy: ruthless repression within their borders and belligerence abroad, marked by the export of terrorism and aggression across the region and beyond.

The survival of the Iranian regime is deeply intertwined with its meddling in the region, and Syria served as the linchpin of this strategy. The Assad regime’s alliance with Tehran allowed Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to establish a direct corridor to the Mediterranean, extending its influence to Lebanon and empowering its most critical proxy, Hezbollah.

Tehran funnelled at least $50 billion into the Syrian conflict between 2012 and 2020. This immense financial commitment was matched by human costs, as thousands of IRGC troops, including dozens of high-ranking commanders, were killed protecting the Assad regime.

In an admission of Syria’s importance, in a meeting with the families of the regime forces killed in Syria, in January 2017, Khamenei said, “If the enemies and seditionists were not stopped there … we would have had to stop them in Tehran.”

Mullah Mehdi Ta’eb, a close confidant of Khamenei, declared in February 2013: “Syria is our 35th and strategic province. If the enemy attacks us and forces a choice between Syria and Khuzestan (Iran’s oil-rich province), our priority is to hold Syria.” He further emphasized, “If we retain Syria, we can reclaim Khuzestan. But if we lose Syria, we cannot even hold Tehran.”

The mullahs now find themselves at their weakest point in decades. Assad’s fall is a seismic event that delivers a resounding message to Iran’s disillusioned youth and rebellious people: even the heavily armed forces of Assad’s regime, bolstered by tens of thousands of IRGC Quds Force operatives, collapsed in a mere 11 days – dissolving like snow under the summer sun. Khamenei’s armed forces are in no better condition.

Over the past six years, Iran’s regime has been rocked by four nationwide uprisings and countless smaller protests, culminating in the sweeping 2022 uprising. The underlying drivers of this unrest, including a crumbling economy, rampant inflation, staggering unemployment, entrenched corruption, and systemic repression – particularly targeting women – have only worsened.

In an attempt to stifle dissent, the regime has unleashed an unprecedented wave of executions, with over 650 carried out in less than five months under its new president, Masoud Pezeshkian.

The mullahs now face a perilous dilemma, each option fraught with existential risk. They can either retreat from their decades-long strategy of exporting terrorism, warmongering, and pursuing nuclear weapons, or continue to defy the international community.

All indications suggest that Khamenei perceives the first path as the more immediate threat to his regime’s survival, fearing it would hasten its collapse. For over three decades, the international community’s efforts to deter Tehran from these destabilising behaviours have proven fruitless. Until the regime itself is overthrown, such efforts are likely to continue meeting the same fate.

To address the crisis in Iran, sanctions and international pressure, while necessary, are insufficient on their own. The ultimate solution lies in an Iranian answer: regime change led by the people and the organised Resistance.

The essential elements for this transformation are already in place. An experienced, organised resistance network with thousands of committed members operates alongside an alternative with broad social backing and international recognition. This opposition has articulated a clear political programme and a practical roadmap for establishing a free and democratic society.

At the heart of this movement are Iran’s disillusioned population and the Resistance Units, driving the engine of change. According to plan formulated by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) – a democratic coalition of opposition forces – following the regime’s overthrow, an interim government will form for no more than six months. Its primary mission will be to hold free and fair elections for a Constituent Assembly, transferring sovereignty to the people’s representatives. This assembly will then elect a new interim government tasked with drafting a constitution for the new republic within two years.

This vision for a free Iran leaves no room for chaos. It envisions a nation founded on democracy, where legitimacy is determined by the ballot box, women enjoy full equality, nationalities and minorities are autonomous and respected, Shi’ites, Sunnis and other religions are equal, religion and state are separated, and peace is prioritised. A non-nuclear Iran committed to regional stability would emerge as a force for progress in the Middle East.

With the Iranian regime mired in its most profound existential crisis and the Iranian people resolved to chart a new course, the international community must adopt a bold and realistic policy. It must deny the regime any chance of survival and fully recognise the Iranian people’s right to overthrow their oppressors. This policy should include holding the regime accountable for its repression, terrorism, and nuclear ambitions.

Such an approach in 2025 would pave the way for lasting peace and stability in the region and beyond. The prospect of a democratic, secular, and pluralistic Iran is now closer than ever.

Maryam Rajavi is the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran

https://news.yahoo.com/news/west-must-back-regime-change-115242370.html

MEF Director Gregg Roman Lays Out a Strategy for Regional Stability and Democratic Change in Iran
Middle East Forum     |     Gregg Roman     |     December 27, 2024

Iran’s status as the most destabilizing force in the Middle East presents a pressing need for change. Today, the Islamic Republic is a regional hegemon that uses proxies in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen to destabilize neighboring states and challenge US interests. The October 7, 2023, Hamas-led massacre and subsequent regional escalation serve as reminders of the Islamic Republic’s ambitions and its nuclear aspirations, making it the central challenge to US policy in the region.

For decades, US strategies toward Iran have failed to achieve their intended outcomes. The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) emboldened Tehran by providing financial resources that it used to augment regional terrorism and its ballistic missile program. Conversely, the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign created economic hardships for the regime but failed to force substantive policy changes. These shortcomings highlight the need for a new, comprehensive approach to empower Iranians to challenge their regime and enable democratic transition in Iran.

Strategic Context

The 2022 protests that erupted after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini underscored the Iranian regime’s fragility as they spread across the country and exposed deep-seated public dissatisfaction with the government’s corruption, mismanagement, and suppression of human rights. The difficulties the regime faced suppressing these protests exposed other vulnerabilities. Simultaneously, Iran’s ethnic minorities—including Kurds, Arabs, and Baluchis – demonstrated organizational capacity and present opportunities to exert additional pressure on the regime.

The shortcomings of both the Obama and Trump administrations’ policies highlight the need for a new, comprehensive approach to empower Iranians to challenge their regime and enable democratic transition in Iran.

The December 2024 fall of Assad’s regime in Syria has dramatically altered Iran’s regional position. While Tehran maintains proxy networks in Syria, the loss of its primary state ally and Russia’s diminished regional role create new strategic opportunities to constrain Iranian influence.

With the second Trump administration crafting its foreign policy strategy, decisiveness is imperative. Half-hearted measures will not suffice. As Secretary of State-designate Marco Rubio pointed out, “Empowering the Iranian people is not just the right thing to do; it’s the most sustainable path to regional stability.”

The incoming US administration must seize this opportunity to exploit the regime’s weaknesses and to stymie its external aggression. The approach requires integrating economic pressure, support for internal opposition, dismantling Iran’s regional proxy network, finalizing Saudi-Israel relations, and implementing an aggressive information warfare campaign.

Amplifying Internal Pressures

The Iranian regime’s vulnerability lies in its internal fissures. Public dissent has reached unprecedented levels due to economic collapse, widespread corruption, and unpopular foreign interventions. A strategy of regime change must capitalize on these weaknesses by fostering domestic opposition and amplifying social unrest. Establishing an Iran Democracy Fund will serve as a central mechanism for this effort.

The Iran Democracy Fund would channel resources to vetted grassroots organizations, amplifying the power of labor unions, women’s rights advocates, environmental activists, and students. Transparency will be critical, but so will results. Equally important is providing secure technologies like encrypted messaging platforms and satellite internet access, enabling activists to communicate and organize.

Case studies from the Cold War illustrate the transformative power of external support for dissidents. Programs including Radio Free Europe provided not just information but hope – a critical resource under oppressive regimes. A modern equivalent—using social media and Persian-language satellite television—can play a similar role in Iran, broadcasting credible content that challenges regime narratives and highlights democratic alternatives.

Radio Free Europe (RFE) provides a powerful historical precedent for how external media support can empower dissidents and undermine authoritarian regimes. Launched in 1949 during the Cold War, the CIA initially funded RFE with additional support from private donors. Its mission was to broadcast uncensored news and cultural content into the Eastern bloc, countering state propaganda and fostering pro-democratic sentiments.

RFE’s reach was substantial. At its peak, it broadcast in multiple languages to millions of listeners behind the Iron Curtain.

Dissidents, including Václav Havel in Czechoslovakia and Lech Wałęsa, in Poland credited its broadcasts with inspiring resistance movements and offering hope. RFE also amplified the voices of exiled intellectuals, creating a bridge between dissident communities abroad and those living under Communist rule. By the 1980s, Soviet leaders acknowledged the network’s role in fomenting unrest, demonstrating its effectiveness as a soft-power tool.

A modern equivalent for Iran could harness advances in digital technology while maintaining RFE’s core principles of accuracy, credibility, and accessibility. Persian-language satellite television channels, complemented by social media platforms like Telegram and Instagram, could replicate RFE’s ability to penetrate an authoritarian information space. Investment in these platforms would give Iranian activists a vital resource for organizing, spreading counter-regime narratives, and fostering hope for change.

Ethnic minority regions also present specific opportunities for destabilizing the regime. In the Kurdish northwest, longstanding smuggling networks offer conduits for material support and information flows. Training programs conducted in neighboring countries’ regions, such as Iraqi Kurdistan, can enhance the organizational capabilities of Kurdish groups and equip them with the tools needed for sustained resistance. Similar opportunities exist in the southeastern Baluchi regions, where traditional tribal structures and cross-border connections provide natural frameworks for challenging the regime. In Khuzestan, home to Iran’s Arab minority and key oil infrastructure, civil resistance efforts can disrupt critical economic operations while gathering intelligence on regime activities. However, support for these communities must tread carefully. While their grievances are legitimate, the focus must remain on a unified, democratic Iran—not fragmented separatism that could weaken the broader movement by allowing the regime to cast itself as the defender of Iranian nationalism.

Technology plays a critical role in empowering opposition groups. To ensure effective use, the United States must provide secure communication tools such as encrypted messaging platforms, satellite internet access, virtual private networks, and comprehensive training.

Technology plays a critical role in empowering opposition groups. To ensure effective use, the United States must provide secure communication tools such as encrypted messaging platforms, satellite internet access, virtual private networks, and comprehensive training. These tools will enable activists to coordinate protests, disseminate information, and evade regime surveillance. Simultaneously, professional development programs should focus on building sustainable leadership within opposition movements. Training in organizational management, civil resistance tactics, strategic communications, and coalition-building will prepare these groups to play a central role in a post-regime transition.

With a youthful, educated population eager to connect with the global digital economy, there are natural avenues through which influence can flow into the country. Iranian tech entrepreneurs need access to international mentorship programs, technical resources, and networking. These linkages will also play an essential role in turning Iran’s young, technology-literate generation into a potent force for pro-democracy change as it builds its capabilities to evade and circumvent regime control systems.

Intensifying Economic Pressure

Economic pressure must not only exceed the scope of previous sanctions campaigns, it must also evolve to outpace Iran’s evasion tactics. The Treasury Department should establish a specialized task force to dismantle the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) financial empire, which spans construction, telecommunications, energy, and shipping. These operations often rely on front companies and shell corporations to evade sanctions. The US can deprive the IRGC of revenue streams by targeting these entities.

The shipping sector requires particular attention, as the IRGC uses a fleet of vessels operating under flags of convenience to transport oil, weapons, and other goods. Interdiction in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean must be relentless. Targeting IRGC-linked vessels, supported by diplomatic pressure on complicit port operators and flag states, could sever critical smuggling routes. Similarly, IRGC-linked engineering firms, which secure lucrative infrastructure contracts across the region, must be denied access to materials and financing.

The energy sector remains a cornerstone of the Iranian economy and a vital source of funding for the regime. The US should expand its monitoring of oil and petrochemical transactions, working with financial institutions to block suspicious payments. Enhanced scrutiny of trade finance mechanisms, such as letters of credit and pre-export financing, will further disrupt Iran’s ability to sell its resources.

The US should expand its monitoring of oil and petrochemical transactions, working with financial institutions to block suspicious payments. Enhanced scrutiny of trade finance mechanisms, such as letters of credit and pre-export financing, will further disrupt Iran’s ability to sell its resources.

Additionally, targeting the personal financial networks of regime leaders, including their assets in foreign jurisdictions, will create direct pressure on decision-makers and expose their corruption. IRGC officials and clerics have fortunes held in the names of family members or subordinates. Such assets are spread around different countries, including Turkish and Malaysian properties, Gulf State investments, and accounts in Asian financial centers. This direct pressure on decision-makers while exposing the corruption of the regime elite is uniquely effective in targeting these personal holdings.

Iran’s use of cryptocurrency to evade sanctions presents an evolving challenge. The US should collaborate with blockchain analysis firms to monitor these transactions and develop regulatory frameworks to counter this threat. Financial institutions must adopt stricter due diligence practices to sever Iran’s access to international banking networks, particularly in crucial trading hubs such as the UAE, Turkey, and Malaysia.

Dismantling Iran’s Regional Proxy Network

Iran’s proxy network is its greatest strength and Achilles’ heel. Groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, Shia militias in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen enable Tehran to project power far beyond its borders. However, these proxies also drain resources and expose vulnerabilities.

Iran’s proxies represent both a threat to US allies and a vulnerability for Tehran. Hezbollah’s prior dominance undermined Lebanese sovereignty and fueled regional instability. The US should suspend aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces until it disarms Hezbollah. Supporting Israeli operations to neutralize Hezbollah aligns with US interests and weakens Iran’s influence.

In Iraq, Tehran has established a “deep state” through pro-Iran Shia militias and allied political figures. Countering this influence requires strengthening nationalist elements within Iraq’s political system and security forces. The United States should maintain a military presence in both Baghdad-controlled Iraq, and the Kurdistan Regional Government while investing in infrastructure and development projects that provide alternatives to Iranian economic penetration. Security force professionalization programs emphasizing national loyalty over sectarian allegiance will further reduce Iranian influence.

In Syria, the collapse of Assad’s regime has fundamentally altered the strategic landscape. While Iran lost its primary state ally, Tehran maintains militia networks that now operate with greater autonomy. These forces seek to preserve Iranian interests amid the power vacuum, particularly around Damascus and in areas near Lebanon’s border. The United States must adapt its approach given Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) control of Damascus and Turkey’s expanded proxy presence. American forces should establish defensive positions east of the Euphrates, while coordinating with Kurdish allies to prevent both Iranian resupply efforts and Turkish expansion. Special operations teams must enhance training for Kurdish units while gathering intelligence on Iranian militia movements through the region.

The US should suspend aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces until it disarms Hezbollah. Supporting Israeli operations to neutralize Hezbollah aligns with US interests and weakens Iran’s influence.

Maritime operations require enhanced naval presence across multiple theaters. The Strait of Hormuz demands particular attention, with continuous deployment of naval assets to ensure freedom of navigation and deter Iranian provocations. These operations must be closely coordinated with regional partners, particularly the Saudi and Emirati navies, in order to establish comprehensive maritime domain awareness.

Interdiction of weapons shipments requires sophisticated intelligence collection and rapid response capabilities. This effort must focus on known trafficking routes while maintaining flexibility to respond to emerging patterns.

Protection of commercial shipping demands an approach combining military presence, intelligence collection, and industry cooperation. The administration should establish a dedicated maritime security coordination center, bringing together military assets, commercial shipping operators, and regional partners. This center would coordinate escort operations, share threat intelligence, and establish standard operating procedures for vessels transiting high-risk areas.

Leveraging Regional Cooperation:

Normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel presents a pivotal opportunity to alter the strategic landscape in the Middle East and strengthen US efforts to diminish Iranian power. Normalization might allow military, economic, and intelligence cooperation in practice, creating a regional front against Tehran and its destabilizing actions.

Maritime security is an area of potential cooperation. Iranian smuggling, including the delivery of weapons to militia proxies, continues through both the Strait of Hormuz and Bab-el-Mandeb, critical chokepoints for all traffic. This has become even more crucial following Assad’s fall, as Iran seeks alternative supply routes to maintain its influence in Syria. With its naval forces, Saudi Arabia can operate in these regions and offer logistical support and operational resources, while Israel can use its intelligence capabilities to locate and monitor IRGC-affiliated vessels. Combined with the US Navy, these regional actors could develop a cohesive maritime security architecture that would dramatically enhance interdiction capabilities and disrupt Iranian supply chains.

Air defense is another critical feature of regional cooperation. Iran has been expanding its arsenal of ballistic missiles and drones, which are a severe danger to US partners in the area. With Assad’s fall creating new uncertainties about weapons proliferation in Syria, integrated air defense becomes even more crucial. THAAD – and other US systems – could be integrated with systems like the Israeli Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and Arrow III to create a standard, multi-layered air defense. The ability of the Saudis to field Israeli systems in Saudi Arabia is part of a contiguous swath of protective cover over the Gulf region. Aside from cementing operational ties, this partnership would also bolster the collective security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and other American allies.

With Assad’s fall creating new uncertainties about weapons proliferation in Syria, integrated air defense becomes even more crucial. THAAD – and other US systems – could be integrated with systems like the Israeli Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and Arrow III to create a standard, multi-layered air defense.

Sharing intelligence to dismantle Iran’s proxy networks is also critically important. Iran uses clandestine means to supply money and arms — over land and sea routes — for its regional proxies, especially Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Shia militias in Iraq. Saudi-Israeli intelligence-gathering allows the dissemination of information well in advance of these operations so that this potential intelligence is utilized to disperse Iranian forces working with militias in Yemen, Iraq, or Syria. A regional intelligence coordination center — staffed by the US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other like-minded states — could track and eliminate Iranian proxies.

A Saudi-Israel economic partnership would further strengthen endeavors to corner Iran. Together, they could interdict Tehran’s dark money flows, enforce sanctions relief, keep tabs on shipping lanes, monitor sanctions evasion, and diminish Iran’s capacity to support its proxies and nuclear ambitions.

An Aggressive Information Campaign

An effective information campaign will target Iranian audiences across multiple platforms, emphasizing regime failures and opposition successes. Persian-language media initiatives should produce content that challenges regime narratives while promoting democratic values. Persian-language media must move beyond traditional news broadcasts. Cultural programming—dramas exposing corruption, documentaries on democratic movements, and satire—can engage younger audiences and challenge the regime’s legitimacy. Social media campaigns must leverage influential Iranian voices to build credibility and engage younger demographics, while mobile messaging platforms distribute real-time updates on protests and regime activities.

Documentation of human rights abuses will reinforce the regime’s illegitimacy on the international stage. A dedicated human rights documentation center should collect, verify, and publicize evidence of regime violations, focusing on both historical atrocities and ongoing abuses.

Economic mismanagement represents a compelling message theme that resonates across Iranian society. The administration should establish dedicated analytical capabilities to track and publicize the regime’s financial failures, connecting high-level policy decisions to impacts on ordinary citizens. This should include regular reports on inflation rates, unemployment levels, and the deterioration of public services.

The costs of maintaining proxy forces provide another crucial messaging theme. The administration should develop tracking mechanisms to document the regime’s expenditures on foreign interventions, presenting this information in formats accessible to average Iranians. This effort should highlight examples of regime spending on foreign militia groups while domestic needs go unmet.

Nuclear program expenses represent a sensitive topic that requires careful messaging. The administration should develop detailed analyses demonstrating the massive costs of nuclear development while highlighting how these resources could be better spent on domestic needs. This messaging should emphasize the program’s role in perpetuating Iran’s international isolation while questioning its actual benefits to national security.

Transition Planning and Post-Regime Scenarios

Assad’s fall in Syria provides valuable lessons for Iranian transition planning. The swift collapse of a longstanding authoritarian regime, the emergence of new power centers, and the challenge of securing military assets all offer insights for preparing contingencies in Iran. The United States must anticipate similar dynamics while preparing for multiple transition scenarios in Tehran.

In the event of a managed transition, military elements willing to facilitate change must be identified and incentivized with guarantees of institutional survival. Technocratic continuity in essential government functions will ensure stability during the transition period, while rapid international recognition of a new government will provide legitimacy.

A sudden collapse of the regime would demand swift action. Securing nuclear facilities, preventing weapons proliferation, and stabilizing public order would become priorities—yet these efforts could face significant logistical and diplomatic challenges.

A sudden collapse of the regime would demand swift action. Securing nuclear facilities, preventing weapons proliferation, and stabilizing public order would become priorities—yet these efforts could face significant logistical and diplomatic challenges. Interim governance structures must be established quickly to prevent power vacuums, while international partners provide technical and humanitarian assistance.

A hybrid scenario, where parts of the regime remain in power while others collapse, will require engagement to manage parallel transitions. Constitutional reform, security sector transformation, and economic restructuring will be critical to rebuilding Iran as a stable, democratic state.

No strategy is without risks. Sanctions come with risks. They could worsen suffering, alienate ordinary Iranians and fuel anti-US sentiment. Policymakers must balance these trade-offs with visible support for humanitarian aid to mitigate backlash. Similarly, support for opposition groups may provoke accusations of foreign interference, compromising their legitimacy.

Moreover, regional dynamics present additional hurdles. Saudi-Israeli normalization, while promising, requires navigation to ensure cooperation without alienating other Gulf partners. Efforts to dismantle Iran’s proxies must avoid entangling the US in prolonged conflicts that divert resources from broader strategic goals.

Conclusion

The United States stands at a crossroads in its approach to Iran. As historian Niall Ferguson observed, “Empires often fall not from external conquest, but from internal decay.” The Islamic Republic is rotting from within. Washington can accelerate that process with clarity, conviction, and care. The US can weaken the Iranian regime and pave the way for a democratic transition. Eliminating Iran as a destabilizing force will transform the Middle East, securing long-term stability and advancing US strategic goals.

https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/a-comprehensive-strategy-for-democratic-transition-in-iran

 

Townhall      |     Ivan Sascha Sheehan     |     Nov 27, 2024

In a meeting at the White House to discuss the upcoming transition, President Joe Biden acknowledged to President-elect Donald Trump that Iran is the most pressing foreign threat to the United States, its allies, and their collective interests.

That threat has been underscored over the past year by worsening conflict between Israel and Iran’s militant proxies in the surrounding region, which has twice given way to direct exchanges of fire between the two countries. And just this past week, the meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Board of Governors called further attention to the fact that concerns over Iran’s possible breakout to nuclear weapons capability are as salient as ever.

Nevertheless, comparatively less attention has been given to the threats that Iran’s theocratic dictatorship poses to its own people. Since undergoing its own presidential transition last summer, following the death of Ebrahim Raisi, the Islamic Republic has surged its use of executions and claimed hundreds of lives, including at least 178 in October alone.

It now appears likely that the total number of executions in 2024 will surpass the total from the previous year, which exceeded 850 – an eight-year high. The unfortunate trend reflects a broader crackdown on dissent that was motivated by the nationwide uprising that began in September 2022after the morality police killed a 22-year-old Kurdish woman, Mahsa Amini, for allegedly wearing her mandatory headscarf too loosely.

The mass executions and politically motivated arrests and prosecutions are indicative of the regime’s fear of popular revolt. Countrywide unrest in 2022 was widely recognized as the greatest challenge to that regime’s hold on power since its inception in the wake of the 1979 revolution, with elements persisting today in the form of anonymous public advocacy for regime change and mass boycotts of parliamentary and presidential elections.

With tensions between the regime and the Iranian people worsening, it is increasingly clear that a complete change of regime spearheaded by the Iranian resistance is the only acceptable political outcome. Iran policy scholars in the United States have long understood that the Iranian people are natural allies when it comes to confronting threats emanating from Tehran.

Now there is a growing recognition of this reality on the other side of the Atlantic.

At a recent conference in the European Parliament, senior European officials from diverse political backgrounds joined Resistance leader Maryam Rajavi in criticizing Western policymakers for chronically overlooking the Iranian people in the development of their strategies for dealing with the regime and accused them of too often embracing policies that tend toward appeasement.

A more effective approach, according to Rajavi and the Members of Parliament that spoke alongside her, is to leverage the discontent on the Iranian street by exerting maximum pressure on Tehran for the express purpose of empowering the Iranian people to complete the process of overthrow that commenced with the anti-regime rebellion of 2022.

This strategy has long been undermined by an incorrect belief – often peddled by the regime’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) and its agents – that no viable alternative to the current regime exists and that support for regime change would only lead to chaos or protracted, partisan violence.

In response to those concerns, Rajavi presented a roadmap for political change facilitated by the opposition organization she leads, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). Specifically, she articulated a “Process for Regime Change and the Role of the Organized Resistance” that leverages key components of her coalition, including the Army of Freedom together with the female-led Resistance Units leading the charge with the NCRI as the democratic alternative to the mullahs.

Rajavi declared that that within six months of the mullahs’ overthrow, elections would be held for a Constituent Assembly, which would then “appoint a new government for a two-year term to draft, approve, and hold a referendum on the constitution of the new republic.”

“This structured approach ensures that, with a viable alternative in place, there will be no room for chaos,” Rajavi said, before expressing confidence that millions of Iranian expatriates would return to their homeland during and after the implementation of this plan, bringing along “expertise and resources” to help smooth the transition to a secular, Western-style democracy.

In the meantime, the NCRI’s principal constituent group, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), can be expected to continue its oversight of a nationwide network of Resistance Units actively pushing for regime change while awaiting the support of the international community they have long deserved.

Any serious discussion of Iran policy – whether in Europe or the United States – must acknowledge that, at least since 2022, the Iranian people have been united in one purpose: toppling their clerical rulers.

Guided by a well-organized Resistance movement, regime change from within is the only permanent solution to the Iran threat, both domestic and global. The role of the Iranian people and their resistance have been overlooked for too long. It is time for a new approach that prioritizes the people’s calls for a democratic transition by rejecting the regime’s authoritarian rulers as a permanent fixture of the Middle East landscape.

Ivan Sascha Sheehan is a professor of Public and International affairs and the associate dean of the College of Public Affairs at the University of Baltimore. Opinions expressed are his own. Follow him on X @ProfSheehan

https://townhall.com/columnists/print/2648265

 

Iran News Update     |      Mahmoud Hakam     |     25th November 2024

Tribute to a Courageous Political Prisoner
A collective of intellectuals, human rights defenders, and political figures, including Elisabeth Badinter, Ingrid Betancourt, and Laurence Tubiana, have condemned the Islamic Republic of Iran’s treatment of Maryam Akbari Monfared. Imprisoned since 2009, Maryam is one of Iran’s longest-serving political detainees. Her transfer to Qarchak Prison, notorious for its brutal conditions, has intensified international calls for her release.

A Life Stolen by Oppression
Maryam Akbari Monfared, a mother of three, has endured 15 years of incarceration, starting with a 15-minute trial that sentenced her for “enmity against God” (moharebeh). Her imprisonment stems solely from her family’s opposition to the Iranian regime. Four of her siblings were victims of the state’s extrajudicial killings, including during the 1988 massacre, which the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran, Javaid Rehman, has described as genocide and a crime against humanity.

Despite her sentence being due to end in 2019, Maryam’s imprisonment was extended for five more years after she courageously filed a complaint against these killings. Her demand for justice reflects her unwavering resistance:

“With my head held high and my heart aflame, I continue to demand justice for my stolen life, for the lives of my children deprived of their mother, and for all the innocent people whose lives you have shattered.”

A Call for International Action
Maryam’s transfer to Qarchak in October 2024 marks a new low in her imprisonment. This facility, infamous for inhumane conditions, has prompted organizations like Amnesty International to issue urgent warnings. Her plight is emblematic of the broader crackdown on dissent in Iran, particularly against women activists.

The international community must act decisively. France, along with other European nations, is urged to advocate for her release and condemn Iran’s systematic repression of political prisoners.

A Voice for Justice
Even behind bars, Maryam’s voice has not been silenced. From Evin Prison in 2018, she wrote about the regime’s brutality and urged Iranians to continue their fight for justice. During the 2022 uprisings following the death of Jina Mahsa Amini, Maryam encouraged protesters:

“If you are arrested, do not trust the interrogators. They are our enemy… Families, do not remain silent. Shout!”

Her words resonate far beyond the prison walls, symbolizing the courage of countless Iranians striving for freedom.

Conclusion
Maryam Akbari Monfared’s continued detention underscores the Iranian regime’s contempt for human rights. Her case demands urgent attention from global leaders and organizations. As the call for her release intensifies, she remains a beacon of hope and resistance for those fighting against tyranny.

This article is based on a piece originally published in Le Monde on November 24, 2024, highlighting the collective call for justice for Maryam Akbari Monfared and all prisoners of conscience in Iran.

https://irannewsupdate.com/news/human-rights/maryam-akbari-monfared-a-symbol-of-resistance-in-iran/

by OIAC      |     October 5, 2024

On Tuesday, September 24, 2024, thousands of Iranian Americans and their supporters from across 40 U.S. states held a large rally outside the U.N. headquarters in New York City to call on the international community to stand with the Iranian people and recognize their right to overthrow the clerical regime.

The large-scale gathering denounced Iran regime president Masoud Pezeshkian’s presence at the U.N. and expressed support for the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). Participants also commemorated the 2022 uprising and called for regime officials to be held accountable for massacre and genocide in Iran. The rally capped a week-long campaign in New York which also featured moving photo exhibitions, picket lines, media interviews, and candle light vigils.

Mrs. Sona Samsami, the NCRI U.S. Representative read a powerful message from NCRI President Elect Mrs. Mayram Rajavi.
In a video message, Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX) expressed solidarity with the Iranian people and their ongoing resistance to overthrow the clerical regime in Iran.

Ambassador Sam Brownback who served as the United States Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom (2018-2021) and was two-term governor of Kansas as well as a U.S. Senator, addressed the rally.

In his speech, Mr. Alan Dershowitz, a Harvard Law Professor, Legal scholar, attorney, and author; called on the international community to hold Tehran accountable for its terrorism and rights violations.

Ambassador Marc Ginsberg (Former U.S. Ambassador to Morocco under President Bill Clinton, 1994-1997) also addressed the rally, urging a firm U.S. policy towards Iran. Other speakers included a healthcare professional who recently escaped the regime in Iran, had an active role in in the 2022-2023 nationwide protests, and also treated injured pro-democracy protesters during the uprising.

Delegations of Iranian American women, youth, university students, family members of those executed by the Iranian regime, and former political prisoners also addressed the rally.

Rally participants express support for the Iranian Resistance’s President-elect, Maryam Rajavi, and her Ten-Point platform for a democratic, non-nuclear republic in Iran.

Dozens of media outlets, including the NYTPoliticoABCNBC NewsFox NewsAssociated PressAP PhotoReutersReuters TVFox and FriendsVoice of AmericaNew York 1SIPA,…, with many outlets reporting about the rally’s denunciation of Pezeshkian, the desire of the Iranian people for complete regime change, as well its support for the Iran’s main opposition (the National Council of Resistance of Iran).
For additional information, please visit: https://oiac.org/iran-ny-rally/

United Nations     |     September 13, 2024

The Iranian Government has intensified its efforts to suppress the fundamental rights of women and girls and crush remaining initiatives of women’s activism, UN Human Rights Council-appointed independent investigators warned in an update released on Friday.

“The Islamic Republic of Iran relies on a system, both in law and in practice, that fundamentally discriminates on the grounds of gender,” the update noted, highlighting the far-reaching impacts on women and girls’ bodily autonomy, freedom of expression and religion, as well as a wide range of economic, social and cultural rights.

The heightened repression comes two years after the unlawful death in custody of  22-year-old Jina Mahasa Amini, arrested by Iran’s “morality police” in Tehran on 13 September 2022 for alleged non-compliance with Iran’s laws on mandatory hijab.

Rise in violence, surveillance, executions

Iranian security forces have escalated pre-existing patterns of physical violence, including beating, kicking, and slapping women and girls who are perceived as failing to comply with the mandatory hijab laws and regulations, according to the report from the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Iran.

State authorities have also increased monitoring of hijab compliance in both the public and private spheres through the increased use of surveillance, including drones.

Meanwhile, over the last two years, the death penalty and other criminal laws have been used to terrorize Iranians and discourage them from protesting and expressing themselves freely, investigators said.

This apparent new pattern of sentencing women activists to death – including some belonging to Iran’s ethnic and religious minorities, following their convictions for national security offences – raised utmost concern in the update.

Amidst such escalation in violence, a “Hijab and Chastity” bill is in the final stages of approval where it is likely to be finalized.

The bill will issue harsher penalties for women who do not wear the mandatory hijab, including exorbitant financial fines, longer prison sentences, restrictions on work and educational opportunities, and bans on travel, the independent rights experts contend.

Women’s plight must remain ‘high on agenda’

The Mission is calling on Iran to immediately stop executing protesters and consider ending the death penalty altogether, to release all people arbitrarily arrested due to the protests and end all repressive policy and institutional measures against women and girls, including the “Hijab and Chastity” bill.

With no deterrence for the State regarding the increasing violations against women and girls, there is no realistic hope that victims and survivors could fully and meaningfully access the fundamental rights and freedoms to which they are entitled, and which the Islamic Republic of Iran has obligations to respect and ensure,” the update warned.

Given the widespread impunity that prevails across Iran, including for crimes against humanity, the Mission is also calling on UN Member States to scale up efforts to ensure the rights of victims and their families.

“States must continue to place the situation of women and girls in the Islamic Republic of Iran high on the international agenda,” the update said.

https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/09/1154306

 

Iran Focus     |     Mehdi Hosseini     |     September 2, 2024

On August 24, an international conference titled “Crimes Against Humanity: Time for Accountability and an End to Impunity” brought together former UN officials, legal experts, and human rights advocates to emphasize the necessity of justice for the victims of the 1988 massacre in Iran. The conference, which included participation from Maryam Rajavi, President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, underscored ongoing efforts to hold Iranian regime officials accountable for their past and present crimes.

Maryam Rajavi’s speech focused on the continuing human rights abuses in Iran, urging international action against the regime. She contrasted the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with the actions of the Iranian regime, which she described as reliant on human rights suppression and violence. Rajavi highlighted the 1988 massacre, where 30,000 political prisoners, predominantly members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), were executed, calling it one of Iran’s most significant human rights violations. She emphasized the justice-seeking movement fueled by this atrocity and showcased a book documenting 5,000 of the PMOI victims.

Professor Javaid Rehman, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran from 2018 to 2024, presented a detailed report on the Iranian regime’s atrocities, including the 1988 massacre. He highlighted the systematic and widespread attacks on civilians, resulting in mass executions and enforced disappearances, particularly targeting PMOI members. Rehman argued that these actions were carried out with genocidal intent, as the regime viewed the PMOI as a deviant religious group, justifying their extermination. He called for an international investigative and accountability mechanism to address these crimes, stressing the importance of preventing further violations and ensuring justice for the victims.

Dr. Chile Eboe-Osuji, former President of the International Criminal Court (ICC), stressed that international law no longer grants immunity to government officials who commit atrocity crimes. He pointed out that the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes in its member states if those states fail to act. Eboe-Osuji commended Professor Rehman for exposing the truth about the 1988 massacre and suggested that the targeted killings of PMOI members could meet the legal definition of genocide, further emphasizing the need for international action.

Professor Leila Nadya Sadat, former Special Adviser on Crimes Against Humanity to the ICC Prosecutor, discussed the urgent need for accountability for the 1988 massacre and other crimes committed by the Iranian regime. She warned that impunity for the 1988 crimes has emboldened the regime to continue its oppressive practices. Sadat advocated for the establishment of an international investigative mechanism to collect evidence and facilitate prosecutions, similar to those established for Syria and Myanmar. She also highlighted the importance of universal jurisdiction, urging countries to prosecute perpetrators within their borders. While acknowledging the challenges in legally defining the 1988 massacre as genocide, Sadat argued that pursuing such charges is essential to mobilizing global support and pressing the international community to act.

Dr. Mark Ellis, Executive Director of the International Bar Association, emphasized the importance of universal jurisdiction in prosecuting crimes such as genocide and crimes against humanity. He highlighted the precedent set by the trial of Hamid Noury in Sweden, the first legal proceeding related to the 1988 massacres, and urged other nations to adopt similar frameworks. Ellis called on European countries to use universal jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute Iranian officials for their crimes, emphasizing that the suspects and victims are well-known, and that decisive action is needed.

Tahar Boumedra, President of JVMI and former Head of the UN Human Rights Office in Iraq, delivered a powerful testimony about the atrocities he witnessed against Iranian dissidents at Camp Ashraf. Boumedra recounted his experiences during his time with the UN mission in Iraq, where he had unrestricted access to the camp, home to many PMOI members. He described his role in documenting the crimes against the residents and criticized the UN’s inaction, which ultimately led to his resignation. Despite attempts by the UN to silence him, Boumedra continued to speak out about the abuses he witnessed. He expressed his support for Professor Rehman’s efforts to document the regime’s crimes. Boumedra’s remarks underscored the ongoing need for accountability and international solidarity with the Iranian people.

Tahar Boumedra, President of JVMI and former Head of the UN Human Rights Office in Iraq

The conference also featured the testimonies of the families of the 1988 massacre victims. They shared their personal experiences and grievances, holding up pictures of their lost loved ones and highlighting the immense suffering they have endured. Their stories emphasized the human cost of the regime’s brutality and reinforced the urgent need for justice and accountability from the international community.

https://iranfocus.com/general/51990-international-experts-and-advocates-demand-accountability-for-the-iranian-regimes-atrocities/

THE HILL     |     BY RAMESH SEPEHRRAD     |     July 14, 2024

The recent presidential election in Iran, marked by historically low voter turnout and pervasive public rejection, underscores the profound disillusionment and frustration coursing through society.

Masoud Pezeshkian, while touted by some as a reformist, epitomizes the paradox of Tehran’s politics, where the facade of change masks a deeply entrenched crisis of survival. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s increasingly tenuous grip on power is evident as he navigates a regime riddled with internal strife, economic challenges and a society that has rejected his regime in its entirety. This election, far from heralding stabilization, portends a tumultuous period ahead for Khamenei’s leadership.

Pezeshkian’s ascent to the presidency, secured through a narrow margin over hard-liner Saeed Jalili, is an outcome of strategic maneuvers within a tightly controlled political system and a growing crisis for the regime. His acknowledgment that “Khamenei sets all plans and policies, and straying from them is my redline” demonstrates that there will not be any change under his administration.

This admission highlights a broader systemic issue in Iran: The ultimate authority lies with the supreme leader, rendering the president’s role largely ceremonial in terms of any policy shifts.

Pezeshkian’s emergence is the result of Khamenei’s strategic missteps, which are becoming increasingly apparent. The death of Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash disrupted the supreme leader’s plans to consolidate his power further. Raisi’s death not only deprived Khamenei of a loyal enforcer but also exposed the vulnerabilities within the regime’s leadership structure.

The election of Pezeshkian further complicates Khamenei’s position, as it signals a crack in the hardliner facade he has meticulously maintained. One can argue Pezeshkian’s presidency is a direct result of infighting among the hardliners, which exposes Khamenei’s fading influence, even among his inner circles.

Whether Khamenei’s calculation was based on managing hardliner infighting or ability to control Pezeshkian more than Jalili, it suggests he is no longer able to fully manage the affairs of his regime as he did under Raisi.

Ali Khamenei congratulated Pezeshkian, urging him to “continue the path of Martyr Raisi.” However, this endorsement does little to mitigate the underlying challenges. Khamenei also accused “enemies of the Iranian nation” of orchestrating a scheme to boycott the elections, a claim that illustrates the regime’s paranoia and disconnect from the genuine rejection by the Iranian people.

The boycott of the election by at least 60 percent (the official number) or as many as 91 percent of Iranians (according to an opposition group) is a stark indictment of the regime’s legitimacy. This mass abstention reflects widespread disillusionment and indicates the potential for a nationwide uprising, reminiscent of the final phase of the shah’s regime that led to the 1979 revolution. The foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran are weakening, and internal factions are increasingly at odds, creating a scenario where the regime’s stability is precariously perched on a crumbling edifice.

Pezeshkian’s victory is laden with contradictions. His alignment with former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and advocacy for better relations with the West, a return to the nuclear accord and less stringent enforcement of the hijab law are significant propaganda tools aimed at creating breathing room for the regime in the western media and international community.

In his first public speech, he acknowledged, “We must first thank the supreme leader. Certainly, if it were not for him, I don’t think our names would have come out of these ballot boxes so easily. This was the guidance that the supreme leader provided.”

The reaction in Tehran following the announcement of the results was telling. There were no obvious celebrations, indicating a deep sense of disengagement and rejection. This lack of public enthusiasm further underscores the fragile state of the regime’s legitimacy and the daunting challenges that lie ahead for both Pezeshkian and Khamenei.

The deep scars of the ongoing brutal crackdown, especially since the 2022 protests, remain irreconcilable between the regime and people from all walks of life. The regime’s increased penalties for women who disobey dress codes and the sentencing of protesters to death reflect a desperate attempt to maintain control through fear and repression. Massive corruption and mafia-style economic governance by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps leave no room for economic progress for workers, retirees, non-governmental organizations and unions.

Pezeshkian’s stance on these issues, while different in tone, aligns fully with the regime’s draconian measures.

Pezeshkian’s hollow promises of reform, or his ability to implement any change, will lead to a tumultuous period characterized by internal strife, backlash from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and an uncertain succession for the supreme leader. Khamenei’s weakening grip on power is being tested as never before, and the cracks within the regime are becoming increasingly visible.

As the regime navigates this precarious juncture, the potential for significant upheaval looms large, with the future likely to be decided in the streets by the growing resistance advocating for a non-nuclear, secular republic in Iran.

https://thehill.com/opinion/4766151-iranian-election-disillusionment/

 

By Nadine Yousif     |      BBC News, Toronto     |     6/20/2024

Canada has listed Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organisation, after years of pressure from opposition legislators and some members of the Iranian diaspora.

Announcing the decision on Wednesday, Public Safety Minister Dominic LeBlanc called it a “significant tool in fighting global terrorism”.

The move will mean that thousands of senior Iranian government officials, including top IRGC officials, will be barred from entering Canada.

Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman, quoted by Iran’s Fars news agency, has condemned what he described as the “unwise and unconventional” step.

The IRGC is a major military, political and economic force in Iran, with close ties to the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

It is estimated to have more than 190,000 active personnel with its own ground forces, navy and air force that oversee Iran’s strategic weapons.

The IRGC exerts influence elsewhere in the Middle East by providing money, weapons, technology, training and advice to allied governments and armed groups through its shadowy overseas operations arm, the Quds (Jerusalem) Force, according to the government.

The Quds Force was already listed as a terrorist group by Canada, but Wednesday’s announcement extends the designation to the entire IRGC.

Speaking to reporters, Mr LeBlanc said the action “sends a strong message that Canada will use all of the tools at its disposal to combat the terrorist entity of the IRGC”.

“The Iranian regime has consistently displayed disregard for human rights, both inside and outside of Iran as well as a willingness to destabilise the international rules-based order,” he said.

After this designation, current and former senior Iranian government officials already in Canada may also now be investigated and removed.

Canada’s foreign affairs minister, Melanie Joly, warned that Canadians in Iran could be at risk of arbitrary detention following the announcement.

“My message is clear: for those who are in Iran right now, it’s time to come back home,” she said.

“And for those who are planning to go to Iran, don’t go.”

In response, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani was quoted as describing Canada’s move as “an unwise and unconventional politically-motivated step”.

“Canada’s action will not have any effect on the Revolutionary Guards’ legitimate and deterrent power,” he said.

The Canadian government under the leadership of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had previously declined to extend the terrorism designation to the IRGC, despite pressure from some diaspora members – including the families of those who died after Flight PS752 was shot down by the IRGC in January 2020 in Tehran.

All 175 passengers onboard the plane were killed, including 55 Canadian citizens and 30 permanent residents of Canada.

Tehran had claimed that the missile strike on the plane was done by mistake.

Mr Trudeau had previously said in 2022 that he feared a terrorism designation would unfairly target Iranians in Canada who opposed the regime and fled, but had to serve in the IRGC in the past.

Asked why now by reporters, Mr LeBlanc said the decision to designate a group as a terrorist entity is a “deliberative process” made on advice of security services and with foreign policy considerations.

“It is a threshold that must be met under the criminal code of Canada,” he said.

The move makes Canada the second country in North America after the US to label the IRGC as a terrorist organisation, which did so in 2019.

The UK had previously indicated its intent to make a similar move as recently as 2023, but has yet to do so.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cn00nd1n4y2o